History of Nicaragua du Nicaragua

The first settlers to arrive in Central America came from the north. The Maya-Quiché group occupied Yucatán, Chiapas and Guatemala. The Nahuas settled in the Anahuac Valley. Other tribes also populated Central America, such as the Caribs and the Chibchas. The Caribs were expelled from their territory by the Mayas and Quichés in Guatemala, and from the Rivas Isthmus in Nicaragua by the Chorotegas.

The first settlers were nomadic, living by hunting, fishing and gathering wild fruits. Eventually, they learned to cultivate the land, planting corn, beans and other crops. They began to form villages. They became sedentary.

They believed that the universe had been created by the gods. They believed that man had been created from corn. To satisfy the gods, they worshipped them in various ways. The most important of these was human sacrifice.

The Chorotegas, who arrived in the ^8th century, populated most of Nicaragua's Pacific coast.

The Nahuas or Nicaraos, who arrived in the ^12th and ^13th centuries, settled in the northern and southern parts of the Pacific.

The Maribios or Sutiabas, who arrived in the ^11th century and settled in León.

At the time of the arrival of the Spanish, Nicaragua was inhabited by the following tribes:

Nagrandanos, Matagalpas, Ramas, Dirianes, Chontales, Miskitos, Nicaraos and Zumos.

In 1502, Christopher Columbus embarked on his fourth and final voyage to the Americas.

From the shores of Honduras, defying winds and currents to the point of shipwreck, Columbus's four ships managed to round a cape on September 12 of that year. By this time, the storm had died down, and the winds had shifted in favor of the sails. For this reason, the admiral christened the cape "Gracias a Dios". This was their first glimpse of the future Nicaragua.

Five days later, seventy leagues to the south, the ships reached the mouth of a river. Columbus sent a boat in search of water and firewood, with such bad luck that on his return, the boat overturned on the tiller, and its two crew members drowned. The river is named Río del Desastre, today known as Río Grande de Matagalpa. At the mouth of the river are four wooded islets that the admiral calls "Cuatro Temporras", because it's a Saturday, September 17, one of the four days of abstinence imposed by the Church at the beginning of each season.

13 leagues to the east of the islets, the Admiral discovered two islands, which he named Limonares after the lemon-like fruits he found there. During this discovery, Columbus was obviously the first to observe the two Corn Islands.

On September 21, Columbus named a river San Mateo in honor of the saint of the day. On the 23rd, he passed off the San Juan River. Despite the need to provide food and water for the crew, there is no indication that Columbus landed on Nicaragua's wet and inhospitable Caribbean coast. On September 25, Columbus dropped anchor in Cariay (today Puerto Limón), where he met natives with whom he could exchange sweets for gold. At the age of 52 and suffering from gout, Columbus never set foot on the Central American coast, a mission he entrusted to his brother Bartholomé.

The first Spanish overland expedition was led by Gil González Dávila and Andrés Niño, who arrived in Nicaragua from Panama in 1522. González made contact with the caciques and established good relations with the cacique Nicarao, but had to escape attacks by the chief Diriangén, initiating the conquest and colonization of the territory.

In 1524, Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, sent by the governor of Castilla del Oro Pedrarias Dávila, founded the first two cities: Granada and León, which became the country's first capital. The city of León was founded on June 15, 1524 on a site the natives called "Nagrando". It is built on a slightly elevated plain on the north-western shore of Lake Xolotlan, close to the Momotombo volcano.

Colonial towns were established as centers of government, commerce and religion, and played a key role in Nicaragua's economic and social development during the colonial period.

The conquest of Nicaragua was not without conflict and resistance from the indigenous populations. Chiefs such as Cacique Diriangén led rebellions against the Spaniards, defending their lands and culture.

In the early ^19th century, Nicaragua began to experience movements of resistance and discontent with Spanish rule. In 1811, attempted independence uprisings took place in León and Granada, led by figures such as Miguel Larreynaga and Juan de la Cruz Murgeón, but were crushed by Spanish forces.

Just before the León uprising, the new dominant social class in El Salvador, the criollos (Creoles descended from Spaniards born in the Americas and major landowners) had decided to replace all Spaniards in government. The Nicaraguan people demanded the creation of a new local political structure, detached from the metropolis, as well as the abolition of customs taxes on tobacco and liquor production. These demands were met. When Mexico declared independence in September 1821, the other Central American countries followed suit.

Nicaragua proclaimed its independence from León on September 15, 1821, and joined the First Mexican Empire under Agustín de Iturbide. In 1823, it became a member of the Federation of United Provinces of Central America (led by Honduran Francisco Morazán), freeing itself from Mexican tutelage until April 30, 1838. This federation included Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Costa Rica, and aimed to unite the Central American states under a single government.

However, the federation ran into difficulties due to regional rivalries and political infighting.

The crumbling of the colonial structure had disastrous effects on the country, which was deeply divided between two political clans: the liberals (León) and the conservatives (Granada). As early as 1824 (the two cities proclaimed themselves capitals of the territory, soon to be followed by Managua!), the domestic situation began to deteriorate; a civil war even broke out in 1827, pacified by Guatemala where the federal government was based; after the break-up of the Federation, there was a veritable ballet of presidents and governments, and what had to be called a "civil war"

During the 1830s, Nicaragua also experienced recurrent conflicts with Honduras over territorial and political disputes.

The War of the Central American League (1826-1829) saw several Central American nations clash in a struggle for power and territory.

The Five Years' War (1836-1840) involved Nicaragua in a wider regional conflict. This war, which involved several Central American states, was largely a struggle for political and territorial control.

Nicaragua left the United Provinces of Central America, and became an independent, sovereign republic on April 30, 1838.

At this stage, Nicaragua faced a number of internal and external challenges aimed at establishing and strengthening the new nation. One of the most important aspects was the construction of a national identity and the strengthening of government institutions.

The economy also played a key role in this consolidation process. Nicaragua used to depend mainly on agricultural production, particularly coffee and banana exports. These exports stimulate economic growth and enable investment in infrastructure such as roads, ports and railroads.

Important social and political reforms were also undertaken during this period. Measures were taken to promote education, improve working conditions and guarantee citizens' civil and political rights.

During this period, the country succeeded in establishing a national identity, strengthening its governmental institutions and confronting the internal and external challenges that arose on the road to consolidation.

Nicaragua's geographical location also placed it at the center of contemporary geostrategies. The discovery of gold deposits in California in 1848 triggered one of the most important transhumances of the century, and as there was as yet no railroad between the two coasts of the United States, the only means of connecting the two oceans was via Panama (train, monkfish, etc.) or... via the Strait of Magellan, just south of Patagonia and South America. Nicaragua's position and its waterways (especially the San Juan River) attracted the attention of the colonial powers of the day: France, Great Britain and the United States, who were already beginning to see Latin America as their "preserve". The American financier Cornelius Vanderbilt had a transcontinental route built from New York to San Francisco via the San Juan river: ships reached San Juan del Norte (then called Greytown by the English), then had to pass the river's rapids (sometimes with a change of ships), then reach Lake Nicaragua and disembark at La Virgen, before reaching San Juan del Sur on the Pacific coast, from where another ship set sail for California and the "American dream".

French plans to build an inter-oceanic canal, championed by Napoleon III, came to nothing. The British took a different tack, establishing a veritable protectorate on the Atlantic coast between 1845 and 1894. Worried by the prospect of this powerful empire establishing itself in Central America, the United States criticized this monopoly, and the two Anglo-Saxon countries signed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, rejecting any territorial claims to Central America but essentially establishing their authority over this part of the world.

One of the most controversial moments in Nicaraguan history was the invasion of William Walker, an American adventurer who briefly seized Nicaragua and proclaimed himself president. His attempt to establish an empire in Central America was short-lived, but left a deep impression on Nicaraguan history.

While the "big boys" of the world battled to secure control of the country, while the country was unable to extricate itself from civil chaos (incessant power struggles between León and Granada, or between the two figures Máximo Jerez and Fruto Chamorro), an American mercenary named William Walker invaded the country, with the approval of the Liberals, in 1855. With some sixty mercenaries, he landed at San Juan del Sur on May 4, 1855 and took over Granada. On October 13, he had Patricio Rivas appointed interim president, but he was the one pulling the strings. At the same time, he became commander-in-chief of the Nicaraguan armies. Walker wanted to establish a slave republic and made English the official language. In June 1856, Walker proclaimed himself president after staging a sham election, and the United States recognized his election.

A national war of liberation ensued (all of Central America marched against the Yankee invaders), culminating in a decisive battle at San Jacinto on September 14 (now a national holiday) 1856.

Forced to leave the country in May 1857, he tried to invade Nicaragua again, but was finally captured and executed in Trujillo, Honduras, in 1860.

Nicaragua finally gained its definitive independence in 1857.

After this terrible episode, the Liberals lost some of their superbness and the Conservatives took power until 1893: it was at this time that Granada, their traditional stronghold, was considerably embellished. The country's capital was moved from León to Managua. Many lands were sold (or rather, extorted from the natives) to settlers (notably Germans), who began to develop coffee cultivation.

In 1893, the liberal José Santo Zelaya took over as head of government and established himself as a true nationalist statesman. The new president contributed to the country's development like no other before him (new Constitution, separation of Church and State, civil marriage, divorce, abolition of the death penalty, freedom of expression). The Moskitia region was finally incorporated into the country; the British left Nicaragua for good in 1894, leaving the Miskito kingdom to the legends to come.

Zelaya did not appreciate the new North American policy decreed by Theodore Roosevelt against Nicaragua in 1901 (the " big stick " policy). Indeed, the United States had not given up on the idea of dominating Central America, and was taking advantage of the dissensions between the various liberal and conservative factions to infiltrate the country's political life.

In 1909, a coup d'état backed by Washington restored power to the Conservatives.

Three years later, Nicaragua became a true North American colony, while the liberal nationalist Benjamín Zeledón failed in his attempt to regain power (he was executed and his body dragged through the streets of Niquinohomo): the Bryan-Chamorro treaty signed in 1913 allowed the "Yankees" to control customs and railroads, and granted inalienable concession rights for the construction of a canal in the country (as the Panama Canal was inaugurated in 1914, the idea was more to ensure that no other power would interfere). Military troops were permanently stationed in the country until 1925, after which they returned the following year in response to new unrest fomented by the Liberals.

This presence began to weigh heavily on some libertarian minds. On May 23, 1927, in Tipitapa, the liberal rebel Moncada signed the "Pacto del Espino Negro", named after the tree under which it was completed; this treaty recognized the presidency of Adolfo Díaz (conservative) in exchange for various prebends granted to insurgent leaders, the pacification of the country and the creation of a national guard. All the caudillos accepted the treaty... with the exception of the unassuming Augusto César Sandino (promoted to the rank of general during the Constitutionalist War of 1926), who refused to accept it and launched a guerrilla war against US interests (perhaps the first in history), supported by a large peasant contingent. Sandino had worked on the banana and sugarcane plantations of Honduras and Guatemala. He formed a small army and set up camp in Las Segovias, to fight the Yankee occupation. Terrible fighting shook the north of the country; however, the marines were unable to defeat Sandino, despite their modern equipment (the first aerial bombardments in history). The North American occupation ended on January 2, 1933, when the new president Sacasa took power, and Sandino laid down his arms in exchange for certain compromises (amnesty and work for ex-rebels in particular), on condition that Nicaragua's political and economic independence was maintained.

Will the country finally enjoy peace? Nenni. The following year, Somoza, head of the National Guard, hatched a plot and had Sandino shot in the back during negotiations. In 1936, he ousted President Sacasa and proclaimed himself president after fraudulent elections in 1937.

From that fateful date onwards, the Somoza family would preside over Nicaragua's destiny with a firm, ruthless hand for the next four decades. In just a few years, they shamelessly plundered the country's wealth, taking over many of the country's richest and most productive industries, and enforcing nepotism and widespread corruption. Anastasio Somoza García Somoza's personal fortune soon exceeded millions of dollars, while the country sank into an unprecedented social crisis.

The Constitution was reformed, and the United States was sought out as an ally, providing the dictatorial regime with occasional support.

Somoza was assassinated in 1956 by Rigoberto López Pérez, a nationalist poet, at a reception held in the president's honor. This murder was followed by an unprecedented wave of repression, with many opponents imprisoned, tortured and murdered.

The late dictator's eldest son, Luis Somoza Debayle, took control of the government until 1957 (the end of his father's term). In the ensuing presidential elections, he happened to be elected.

In 1963, to put on a brave face, René Schick Gutiérrez took over the reins of power. He was a staunch defender of the Somoza family, who continued to pull the strings behind the curtain.

In 1967, it was the turn of his younger brother, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, known as "Tachito", a former commander of the National Guard, to be elected president (electoral fraud has been an institution since the 1930s). While the first Anastasio had introduced some industrial and economic development, and Luis had tried to preserve a semblance of democracy to avoid social revolt (agrarian reform in 1963), the younger Anastasio was less light-hearted, and his regime proved to be the most dictatorial of all. His personal fortune was incredible (it is estimated that the Somoza family owned nearly 65% of the national GDP when the 1979 revolution took place). When funds sent by the international community during the earthquake of December 22, 1972 (three-quarters of which destroyed Managua) were misappropriated, a strong feeling of hostility finally took hold of the population and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), founded in 1961 in homage to Cesar Sandino, began to win over the crowds. In 1974, the group took regime supporters hostage and won the release of Sandinista political prisoners. The middle classes no longer supported the policies of "Tachito", who had clearly done too much.

In 1977, freedom of the press was once again granted, more to satisfy an increasingly anxious international community than out of goodwill. But when the editor of the opposition newspaper La Prensa, Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, was assassinated in 1978, the revolution was ready to erupt. The opposition regrouped (the intellectual group known as "Los Doce", the Twelve), a general strike paralyzed the country and the Church plotted against the regime.

In August 1978, Commander Edén Pastora's Sandinistas stormed the National Palace in Managua. This spectacular hostage-taking drew worldwide attention, while the government accepted their demands (the Sandinistas were finally able to broadcast their message via radio and the press). In the months that followed, however, the repression was terrible. In the early months of 1979, guerrilla warfare became more pressing.

The social climate was unbearable. Finally, on July 17, Somoza fled to the United States before going into exile in Paraguay, where he was shot dead by a leftist Argentine group a year later. On July 19, the National Guard laid down its arms and Sandinista liberation troops entered Managua, forming the Junta de Gobierno de la Reconstrucción Nacional (JGRN). On July 25, some 2,000 Cuban aid workers arrived in the country to get things moving again. At least 50,000 people are thought to have lost their lives in the fighting.

The junta is made up of three Sandinistas (including Daniel Ortega) and two members of civil society. The Sandinista government immediately embarked on a socialist-inspired economic program. Numerous companies were nationalized, the 1974 Constitution was suspended, and agrarian reform was launched with a view to the equitable distribution of wealth.

The National Guard was replaced by a civilian corps, while Carter in the United States pledged $75 million to the country. A literacy campaign was launched: it is said that over 50% of Nicaraguans could neither read nor write in 1979; by 1990, the figure had dropped to 15% (one of the regime's most significant advances).

Cuba and the USSR gradually became allies of convenience, which did not please Uncle Sam. At the same time, the junta's two members of civil society, Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (widow of the murdered journalist) and Alfonso Robelo, criticized the Sandinistas' policies and resigned. Of course, their interests lay more with the wealthy class than with the "petty" problems of the peasants; but, on the other hand, the regime did not seem ready to make the slightest concession.

In 1981, when the Republican Reagan administration came to power, North American financial aid was suspended. Worse still, the United States financed a counter-revolutionary movement (the "contras") to drive the "communist threat" out of the American continent. Some Sandinista leaders, such as Commander Edén Pastora, took up arms again, opposing the "Sovietization" of the economy and a harsh policy towards the indigenous Miskitos (dispossessed of their land for military control of the north of the country). The "contras" group, led by Brooklyn Rivera and Steadman Fagoth and mainly made up of former members of the National Guard, began a guerrilla war that gradually paralyzed the country and led to asphyxiation. Makeshift military bases were set up in the north of the country, near the border with Honduras, and in Costa Rica. To defend itself, the Sandinista government introduced compulsory military service in 1983. In fact, the whole country became militarized, for or against the Sandinistas. The national budget then allocated an inordinate share to national defense, penalizing other sectors such as education and culture, and postponing the necessary social reforms. Violations of human rights were evident (though far fewer than the United States claimed). Freedom of expression is restricted.

Little by little, Nicaraguans grew weary. The Church openly opposed the new regime, as did the conservatives and the middle and upper classes. At the same time, the policy of controlling agricultural prices failed, causing terrible famine among the poor peasants, traditional allies of the Sandinista movement.

In 1984, Ortega nevertheless won the elections with 67% of the vote (without fraud, according to the international community present on the ground, totally rigged according to the opponents and the North American giant). The dream was crumbling, but some people continued to believe. When the United States imposed a trade embargo on Nicaragua in 1985, the economy plunged into chaos.

In November 1986, the "Iran-Contra" (or "Irangate") affair broke out in the United States: money paid to the contras came from arms sales to Iran, then at war with Iraq (despite the total blockade decreed by the United Nations!). But the time was not yet ripe for distrust of Yankee policy, and the international community chose not to help the Sandinista effort, even if fierce criticism of the government's policy in Central America was heard in the United States. A new constitution was adopted in January 1987. Negotiations began between the Sandinistas and the contras, under the aegis of Costa Rican President Óscar Arias Sánchez. The government agreed to hold free elections in 1990, in return for disarming the counter-revolutionary group.

In the 1990 presidential elections, Daniel Ortega was defeated and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro was elected president, supported by a conservative coalition, the National Opposition Union (UNO), and by the United States of course. The latter decided to end the embargo, restore financial aid and disarm the contras. This last point is the most fragile; fighting continues unabated between Sandinista supporters and counter-revolutionaries. By 1992, most of the contras had been disarmed, but tensions still persist between ex-contras(recontras), ex-sandinistas(recompas) and a mixture of the two(revueltos).

The transition went relatively smoothly, with the new government pledging to respect the Constitution and maintain land reform. Humberto Ortega, Daniel's brother, was reappointed Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. But despite Violeta Chamorro's efforts, the economic situation remained precarious. Strikes were rife. The country's economic policy followed the directives of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, privatizing several companies and cutting social spending. On the contrary, while a certain privileged class is satisfied, the vast majority of the population is forced to tighten their belts even further.

In October 1996, the coalition government lost the elections to Arnoldo Alemán of the Constitutional Liberal Party (PLC), an outspoken right-wing liberal with no economic scruples.

The five years of the Alemán government up to January 2002 were marked by one constant: the total "de-Sandinization" of the country and the equally total liberalization of the economy.

Major projects were undertaken (construction of buildings, roads, etc.), giving the impression of a certain economic boom. But it should be noted that wage earners have not seen any of this. Health and education were certainly not priorities for Alemán. What's more, numerous corruption scandals began to erupt.

This terrible hurricane (one of the worst of the last century) ravaged the country in October 1998, causing millions of dollars in damage, and it is reported that some of the aid sent by the international community ended up in the pockets of the president, whose fortunes grew at the time in a strange way. The Transparency International organization even ranks President Alemán among the ten most corrupt leaders of the last two hundred years.

In 2002, Enrique Bolaños, vice-president under the Alemán government and PLC candidate, who had been imprisoned several times under the Sandinista regime, was elected, with Daniel Ortega coming second. His first act was to condemn the corruption of the previous term, while the Sandinistas did not make a fuss and called for a "critical but constructive opposition".

Bolaños's government has unquestionably been the most honest and, in some ways, the most effective of recent decades. Tourism has become a priority, and if the projects sometimes seemed muddled, the intentions were there.

In the 2006 presidential election, Daniel Ortega won. It was the first time since 1990 that the FSLN had returned to power. A majority of the population was initially very enthusiastic about the promises made by the president, but by 2010 opinions were already more mixed. This did not prevent Daniel Ortega from being re-elected for a second term in the 2011 elections.

The Nicaraguan government approves the project for a maritime canal to link the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean via Nicaraguan territory (also known as the Interoceanic Canal). The estimated total cost is $50 billion, and the work is scheduled to take 5 years. According to official figures, the mega-project will have the capacity to handle 5,100 ships a year, transit 5% of total world trade, double the country's gross domestic product and generate around 250,000 direct and indirect jobs. The canal is to cross the country from east to west via the Rivas isthmus, over a total length of 260 kilometers. The canal comprises three sections, from the Pacific to the Atlantic: the West Canal, from the port of Brito on the Pacific Ocean to Lake Nicaragua (25.9 km); the Lake Nicaragua section (106.8 km), between the towns of San Jorge and San Miguelito; and the East Canal (126.7 km), from Lake Nicaragua to the Caribbean via Lake Altlanta. The West and East canals would each feature a lock with three consecutive chambers to equalize the water level of the two oceans with that of the lake, which lies at an average altitude of 33 meters above sea level. The size of the two locks and the depth of the canal would allow the transit of larger ships than those sailing on the Panama Canal.

One of the main arguments against the construction of the Nicaraguan canal, in addition to its difficult financing, is the possible negative environmental impact on the region's ecosystems, in particular on the waters of Lake Cocibolca. Farmers in southern Nicaragua have organized to oppose the decision taken by the authorities without consulting the region's inhabitants, including indigenous peoples. Criticism focused on the expropriation of land and the major environmental impact. In addition, a number of organizations that opposed the project, notably because of its environmental impact, have been closed down or threatened in recent years; over 3,000 organizations have been closed down in Nicaragua simply for criticizing the canal project and the corruption that has plagued the project since its inception.

A reform of the constitution was passed in January 2014, allowing the President to stand for re-election for life.

Daniel Ortega was re-elected with 72% of the vote on November 6, 2016, with an almost non-existent opposition (because it had been legally neutralized). His wife, Rosario Murillo, officially became Vice-President in January 2017. The Ortega couple control all state powers (legislative, judicial, electoral). This model, reminiscent of pre-Revolutionary regimes, is considered authoritarian by the opposition and civil society.

The political crisis in Nicaragua was marked by violent demonstrations and mass marches against the government, which began on April 18. The rejection of social security reform gave way to a demand for democracy, the rule of law and freedom on the part of the population.

It all began when the government of President Daniel Ortega and his vice-president, who is also his wife Rosario Murillo, after the government announced a series of changes to the reform of the Nicaraguan Social Security Institute, sought to impose a contribution of 6.25% to 7%. Repression by the government and national police during anti-government protests left some 325 people dead and over 1,200 injured. The President ordered the censorship of opposition media reporting on the demonstrations. A bill was also introduced in the National Assembly and adopted as an "anti-terrorist law" to ban demonstrations.

International organizations such as the Organization of American States, the OHCHR, the Lima Group and the European Union condemned the events and called for a dialogue for social peace.

The original project for the interoceanic canal involved a partnership between the Nicaraguan government and a Hong Kong private equity group. China had pledged to finance the bulk of the canal work, but in June 2018, it re-established diplomatic relations with Pamana and no longer saw the need for the project. Despite this, the Nicaraguan government maintains its intention to continue building the canal, although there is no medium-term target date for its completion. As Nicaragua has neither the financial nor the technical means to continue on its own, the project has stalled.

On November 5, 2021, Daniel Ortega was elected for the fourth time, the third in a row, in an election that was not recognized by the international community and which the opposition described as a "farce". With all his opponents imprisoned, most of the opposition in exile or underground, the media absent and the elections held without competition, Nicaragua's powerful president Daniel Ortega won 75% of the vote, according to the Supreme Electoral Council, with a low turnout.