The Kanun
Every year, Albanians from Kosovo arrive in the European Union and declare themselves "victims of Kanun" in order to obtain asylum. The Kanun? Little known abroad, this customary law from the Middle Ages permeates Albanian mentalities. It is most famous for its most impressive aspect, the gjakmarrje ( "blood feud"), which is similar to the Italian vendetta. Well described in Ismail Kadare's 1978 novel Broken April, it provides a framework for revenge in cases of murder: the victim's family has the "right" to kill the perpetrator or a member of his family. All the men of the same family from the age of 14 can be targeted over several generations. Even today, about 100 murders are attributed to gjakmarrje each year in Albania and Kosovo. In both countries, dozens of families live in isolation in their homes, fearing reprisals. However, the Kanun is more than just this practice, as it regulates all aspects of social life, from marriage to property transfers. There are different "kanuns" in different regions. But the oldest and most widespread is the Kanun of Leka Dukagjin (or Lekë Dukagjini), an Albanian lord who ruled southwestern Kosovo in the early Ottoman era (1444-1481). This Catholic clan leader was inspired by ancient customs, Byzantine law (the term kanun is directly borrowed from the Greek kanon meaning "the rule") and the Dušan Code established by the last great Serbian king Stefan Dušan in 1339. As the Ottomans exercised a very loose power, few laws governed society. If the Serbs were supervised by the Orthodox Church, the Albanians were left to their own devices in the vacuum created by the retreat of the Catholic Church and a long time superficial Islamization. The Kanun has thus become a powerful identity factor for the Albanians. The term "Albanian" and the first writings in Albanian language appear moreover at about the same period as the codification of the Kanun of Dukagjin. Along with the Ottoman and Yugoslav rights, it has survived to the present day. However, foreigners do not have to fear this tradition. Not only does the Kanun not apply to outside members of the community, but it includes a well-established ancient Greek rule: the obligation of hospitality towards the stranger.
The Besa tradition
Here is another tradition well anchored in the local mentality. Literally, besa means "commitment" or "honor" in Albanian. It is a code of honor that covers several aspects of life in society. Thus, besa is at the same time the "word given", a "truce" provided by the Kanun in case of vendetta, an "oath" like the one of the Albanian insurgents of the League of Prizren in 1878, or hospitality towards foreigners. It is also an Albanian first name: Besa for a woman, Besnik for a man. More incidentally, it is the name of many cafes and restaurants as well as that of the soccer club of Peja/Peć, FC Besa, eight times champion of Kosovo since 1962. In everyday life, besa is a promise that cannot be disavowed. It is not a word used lightly, because when an Albanian commits his besa with his hand on his heart, he can move mountains to keep his promise. Several Albanian sayings testify to this: "The besa cannot be bought or sold in the market", "I would rather die than deny myself", "The besa is more valuable than gold", etc. It should be noted, however, that the concept is found throughout the Balkans. For example, Serbs and Montenegrins place great importance on the časna reč ("word of honor") or the čvrsto obećanje ("firm promise").
Languages
If German is mastered by families of the Albanian diaspora returning from Germany and Switzerland, it is mainly English that will be useful in urban and tourist areas. It is also the lingua franca between the communities of Kosovo. Before the last war, the common language was Serbian (or Serbo-Croatian). Still the official language, it is now largely supplanted by Albanian. The inhabitants of the country born until the 1980s all speak Serbian and some of them studied in Belgrade. Today, Serbian is no longer understood at all by young Albanians and Turks in Kosovo. But it remains the mother tongue of Montenegrins, Bosnians, Croats and, of course, Serbs. It is also understood by Gorans, Roma and about 20% of Albanians. To exchange a few courtesies in local languages, you will need to know who you are talking to. Because languages are a political issue. The Serbs of Kosovo make it a point of honor not to speak Albanian (even if some understand it) and to write in the Cyrillic alphabet (which is being lost in Serbia).
Finger gestures
On days of celebration and sports victory, Serbs and Albanians do not show their joy in the same way. In addition to the different flags, they have their own gestures. The Serbs make the "three-finger salute"(pozdrav sa tri prsta) with the thumb, index finger and middle finger extended. This is the symbol of the Christian trinity that has accompanied Serbian military victories since the Middle Ages. The Albanians cross their hands, palms towards the chest, thumbs crossed while waving the other fingers. Called the "flag sign"(shenja e flamurit) or "crossed hands"(duart e kryqëzuara), this gesture appeared in Albania in 2009 and represents the double-headed eagle of the Albanian flag. It became famous on June 22, 2018 during the World Cup soccer tournament, when Switzerland beat Serbia 2-1. The two goal scorers of the Swiss national team, Xherdan Shaqiri and Granit Xhaka, both Kosovars of Albanian origin, provoked the irritation of the Swiss and Serbian public by performing the "flag sign". They were fined by Fifa for using a "political gesture" on the field.
Taboos
Despite legislation that is now very protective of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, Kosovo is not an "LGBT friendly" destination. Only a few inhabitants openly display their difference and the marriage for all promised in 2014 is no longer on the agenda. While hoteliers welcome foreign same-sex couples without concern, there are fewer than ten bars adorned with the rainbow flag, almost all in Pristina. In 2019, the Minister of Justice himself advocated the beheading of homosexuals, a statement that led to his arrest. But still, it speaks volumes about the climate of tolerance. Another subject to avoid is the war, the one of 1998-1999. In fact, everyone talks about it and almost every village has a monument to its "heroes". But what is the point of venturing into this area? The person you are talking to may have a partisan approach to the subject, but statistically, he or she has surely suffered from the conflict by having lost a loved one or by having experienced violence or exodus. Also, avoid having a strong opinion about previous wars, as Kosovar families often found themselves on opposite sides of the 20th century. The "liberation" of 1944, for example, is perceived as a "defeat" by many Albanians. Finally, the question of religion should be handled with caution. If you are Western European, and moreover French, nobody will be offended that you are an atheist. But for Kosovars, this remains an incongruous thing: here, almost everyone claims to be a believer. It is true that Islam, which is in the majority here, accommodates many differences locally. But all the same, religious affiliation shapes community identities. Hard-core believers are rare, but there are now some Islamists among the Albanians who are not to be trusted. However, it is the Christians who are the most religious: the new Albanian converts to Protestantism or Catholicism and the Serbo-Montenegrins, viscerally attached to their Orthodox traditions.
Gender equality
The patriarchal system is dominant throughout the Balkans. Women in Kosovo are subordinate to men, whether they are Albanian, Serbian, Turkish or Roma. Inequalities are glaring: 13% of Kosovars of working age are in paid employment and only 17% of land is owned by women. During the last conflict, about 20,000 women from all communities were raped. In recent years, there has also been a significant increase in complaints of domestic violence. However, for feminist organizations, this does not mean that there is more violence against women, but rather that women are no longer willing to let it happen. Long relegated to the rank of "procreators," Kosovars are now having fewer children. But the young country has not yet bothered to create crèches. As a result, women have to stay at home while their husbands work or go abroad to find work. Politically, women have been absent or have been used as stooges, such as Atifete Jahjaga, who was conspicuous by her inaction during her tenure as President of the Republic in 2011-2016. But things seem to be changing since 2021 with the arrival of 43 women MPs (out of 120 seats) in parliament and the election of the young anti-corruption activist Vjosa Osmani (born 1982) as the new president.
The Schatzis
This is the affectionate and slightly mocking nickname given to the members of the Kosovo Albanian diaspora (over 700,000 people). Since they live mainly in Germany and German-speaking Switzerland, the language of Goethe was requisitioned to designate them: Schatz or Schatzi means "darling" in German. In Kosovar popular culture, the Schatzi speaks Albanian mixed with German, French or Swedish, drives a big flashy car, builds a house that will remain empty for eleven months of the year, and spends in one day what it takes the Kosovar back home one month to earn. In fact, a gap has opened up with the diaspora. The latter has largely contributed to the country's development (one third of direct foreign investments). But fed up with corruption and the inaction of the ruling class, they have become involved in politics. The Schatzis no longer only come to spend their money in the summer in Kosovo, they also come to vote in elections. They came en masse in February 2021 and voted for the first real democratic changeover by giving a majority to the Vetëvendosjel ("Self-determination") party, which has made the fight against corruption its priority objective.
